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Because of its structuring function, private international law tends to be given a status distinct from the ordinary rules of domestic law. In a federal system, private international law of necessity implicates some aspects of the constitution. In a series of cases beginning in 1990 the Supreme Court of Canada has engaged in a striking reorientation of Canadian private international law, premised on a newly articulated relationship between private international law and the Canadian constitutional system. This constitutional dimension has been coupled with an enhanced notion of comity. The new dynamic has meant that changes in private international law that were initially prompted by constitutional considerations have gone further than the constitutional doctrines alone would demand. This paper traces these developments and uses them to show the challenges that the Supreme Court of Canada has faced since 1990 in constructing a relationship between Canada’s constitutional arrangements and its private international law. The court has fashioned the constitutional doctrines as drivers of Canadian private international law but its own recent jurisprudence shows difficulties in managing that relationship. The piece concludes with lessons to be learned from the experience of the last 25 years.
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Disclaimer: This summary was generated by AI based on the content of the source document.
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The criminal justice system aims to maintain a balance between the individual interest of private citizens to carry on their lives free from state interference, and the communal interest in maintaining a safe society. These two goals come into conflict with each other most visibly when agents of the state physically take control of private citizens -- that is, when they exercise their powers to detain or to arrest.The book focuses on "street-level" encounters: detentions and arrests that occur in the course of investigating crime and laying charges. The authors explore the initial interaction between agents of the state or others authorized to detain and arrest, and the private citizens whose liberty is interfered with. It is at that point that the balance between societal safety and individual liberty is most keenly in play.This second edition has been updated to incorporate significant changes which have taken place with regard to statutory powers (the new citizen's arrest power and others), to common law powers (powers of detention, safety searches, search incident to arrest, etc.) and to Charter rights (freedom from arbitrary detention, right to counsel, and so on).
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"Administrative Law in Context, 4th Edition continues this title's approach to administrative law in the important contexts that shape legal ideas and doctrines in this field. It examines key principles and cases by leveraging the distinct voices of leading scholars and instructors from across Canada including an analysis of the recent Vavilov trilogy of cases from the Supreme Court of Canada and their significant affect on how judicial reviews of administrative decisions are now conducted in Canada. This detailed, collaborative analysis gives students a better sense of how administrative boards and tribunals work in practice and differentiates itself from Admin8 by using a contemporary experiential pedagogy that employs increased commentary and discussion."-- Provided by publisher.
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An article from McGill Law Journal / Revue de droit de McGill, on Érudit.
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It has been suggested that the Canadian prime minister tends to enjoy powers to a degree that is unhealthy in a democratic society. This article evaluates the "prime minister as autocrat" argument that has gained currency, if not in the academic literature, certainly in the popular media. It is suggested that while there has been a relative increase in the concentration of power in the centre — the centre defined as the prime minister, his entourage and key central agencies — the portrait of prime ministerial autocracy has been overdrawn. None the less, reforms are desirable. Particularly ones that create or enhance counterweights to prime ministerial power will likely improve Canadian democracy. These reforms should focus not so much on strengthening the role of individual MPs but on reinforcing the position of cabinet, the parliamentary caucus and senate vis-à-vis the prime minister. In this respect, five possible reforms are discussed, and their prospects of being adopted assessed: proportional representation for the House of Commons, an elected senate, strengthened parliamentary caucuses, a fixed time-table for elections and the New Zealand approach to the appointment of senior officials.
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Disclaimer: This summary was generated by AI based on the content of the source document.
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