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The adversary system of trial, now the defining feature of Anglo-American criminal procedure, developed late in English legal history. For centuries, defendants were forbidden to have trial counsel. Prosecution counsel was allowed but seldom used. The criminal trial was meant to be a lawyer-free occasion at which the defendant could hear the accusing evidence and respond to it in person. The transformation from lawyer-free to lawyer-dominated criminal trials happened within the space of about a century, from the 1690s to the 1780s. This book explains how the lawyers captured the trial. In addition to conventional legal sources, the book draws upon a rich vein of contemporary pamphlet accounts about trials in London’s Old Bailey. The book also mines these novel sources to provide the first detailed account of the formation of the law of criminal evidence. Responding to menacing prosecutorial initiatives (notably reward-seeking thieftakers and crown witnesses testifying to save their own necks), the judges of the 1730s decided to allow the defendant to have counsel to cross-examine accusing witnesses. By restricting defense counsel to the work of examining and cross-examining witnesses, the judges intended that the accused would still need to respond in person to the charges against him. But defense counsel manipulated the dynamics of adversary procedure to defeat the judges’ design, ultimately silencing the accused and transforming the very purpose of the criminal trial. Trial ceased to be an opportunity for the accused to speak, and became instead an occasion for defense counsel to test the prosecution case.
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This volume covers the years 1483-1558, a period of immense social, political, and intellectual changes, which profoundly affected the law and its workings. It first considers constitutional developments, and addresses the question of whether there was a rule of law under king Henry VIII. In a period of supposed despotism, and enhanced parliamentary power, protection of liberty was increasing and habeas corpus was emerging. The volume considers the extent to which the lawwas affected by the intellectual changes of the Renaissance, and how far the English experience differed from that of the Co
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Even though s-s. 92(14) of the Constitution Act, 1867 grants to the provinces a wide jurisdiction over the administration of justice, which includes the constitution and organization of courts, the case law has used s. 96 to limit its scope. This has had the effect of giving constitutional status to the judicial system in existence at the time of Confederation. On the other hand, the Parliament of Canada does not appear to have been subjected to the same constraints, allowing it to confer broad powers to the courts established under its jurisdiction. The only restrictions that seem to have been applied are in the fields of criminal and constitutional law and provincial concerns. Thus, the federal Parliament would be empowered to withdraw from superior courts any other matter within its legislative competence, as long as the jurisdiction is transferred to a s. 101 tribunal. This suggests that s. 96 protects superior courts mostly against provincial measures.
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I am one of those who believe that the courts are not static institutions. On the contrary, they must adapt to the expectations of the system’s users. In an article published in 2000 in theCanadian Bar Review, Judge Gerald Seniuk and Professor Noel Lyon showed that the development of the Provincial Courts raises many problems, not the least of them being the tendency of the system to evolve in a way that no longer fits the constitutional framework.¹ In this context, and in light of concrete examples and the reflections of experts, we must be particularly attentive to this
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Disclaimer: This summary was generated by AI based on the content of the source document.
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Disclaimer: This summary was generated by AI based on the content of the source document.
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