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This article reviews in a comparative perspective the regulations of different Western legal Systems on the cases of absence, disappearance and the presumption of death. Continental Systems are considered in the first place, from their two main historical sources, the French and the Germanie. The common law Systems are studied then, from their origins in the English law to their developments in the American common law and other mixed jurisdictions. The effects of the declaration of presumptive death are scrutinized comparatively, under different common categories. The study ends with an analysis of the tendencies underlying the developments found in this legal institution. The first outstanding tendency is one that progressively distinguishes the cases of absence from those of disappearance, both of them frequently confused in many legislations. Another One in the development of this subject is the separation being made between the genuine cases of disappearance, with doubt about life or death, from those of a certain death lacking the evidence of the corpse. One last legislative trend the article perceives is a strong tension between a position that considers the presumption of death as a declarative judgement, rebutta-ble with the evidence of life, and a view that understands it as being a judicially constituted status, its effects ending with the appearance of the disappeared person.
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This article begins with a review of the first manifestations of the civilian institution of absence in Roman law and the French Napoleonic Code. It then retraces the historical and conceptual origins of Quebec’s law of absence detailing its evolution from the Civil Code of Lower-Canada to the Civil Code of Quebec.
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"Les personnes sont au coeur du droit. Les personnes physiques, tout d'abord. À la personnalité qui leur est reconnue s'attache un cortège de prérogatives garantes du respect de leur intégrité, de leur vie privée, de leur pensée... Nom, domicile, actes de l'état civil contribuent à donner force à l'impératif d'identification de la personne. Identifier, toutefois, ne suffit pas. Il faut aussi protéger, non seulement contre toute atteinte illicite à l'intégrité de la personne, mais aussi contre les faiblesses que peuvent induire l'âge, la maladie... Quant aux personnes morales, leur diversité est extrême. Leur poids dans la vie économique et sociale justifie un examen attentif des règles qui gouvernent leur constitution, leur fonctionnement, leur dissolution... Le tout est constamment éclairé par la présentation de documents : extraits de textes législatifs ou réglementaires, circulaires, décisions de justice, données statistiques, etc." --Cover page 4
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In recent years, the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms (the “Charter”) has been relied on increasingly by Canadian courts to bolster common law police powers, often at the expense of due process. Ostensibly, the courts have shown more concern with the administration of the limits of policing than with the delineation of civil liberties. In this article, we trace the evolution of the interpretation of the Charter in this context, with early decisions suggesting a reluctance to create ex post facto police powers. The article then outlines the acceleration of judicial proliferation of common law police powers in Canada, cloaked in the veil of the Charter. In other words, unauthorized police conduct is legitimized by the courts on an ad hoc basis, so long as it is ultimately justifiable. We then discuss the findings of our own research into this phenomenon and comment on the possible implications that increasingly expansive common law police powers created by courts have had on due process in Canada, and the administrative role of the Supreme Court of Canada in mobilizing civil rights protections in the direction of state surveillance.
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In this article, I propose a model for understanding the concept of ownership that I call the ‘exclusivity model.’ Like many of the contemporary critics of the ‘bundle of rights’ approach to ownership, I insist that ownership is a legal concept with a well-defined structure. I differ from most of them, however, in the model of ownership that I believe to be at work in property law. Most of these critics propose a model of ownership that emphasizes the owner's right to exclude non-owners from the owned thing as the central defining feature of ownership. I call this the ‘boundary approach’ to highlight its fixation on the owner's power to decide who may cross the boundaries of the owned thing. But this, I argue, makes it impossible for the boundary approach to explain adequately the many subsidiary rights in things that coexist with the rights of owners. Indeed, I argue that when we look more closely at the structure of ownership in property law, its central concern is not the exclusion of all non-owners from the owned thing but, rather, the preservation of the owner's position as the exclusive agenda setter for the owned thing. So long as others – whether they be holders of subsidiary property rights or strangers to the property – act in a way that is consistent with the owner's agenda, they pose no threat to the owner's exclusive position as agenda setter.
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