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The Supreme Court of Canada imported preexisting remoteness rules into Canadian tort law without justifying why they apply in the distinctively Canadian negligence framework endorsed in Cooper v. Hobart. This paper attempts to justify remoteness in this framework. Justifying remoteness as a standalone policy tool is unsatisfactory because it cannot explain why remoteness requires a reasonable foreseeability standard nor that remoteness operates as a fair limit on liability. Justifying remoteness in relation to the duty of care is satisfying. Remoteness supports the duty of care by allowing decision-makers to identify sufficiently general categories of duty of care that apply beyond the individual facts of the case. They can then confirm or deny liability by particularizing the risk at the remoteness stage. This ensures the framework applies as intended, adheres to decision-makers’ sense of justice, and achieves fair and socially useful results.
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Federal elections between 2008 and 2019 saw a great of volatility in Quebec, with important consequences for election outcomes. The surge in New Democratic Party (NDP) support in Quebec led the party to official opposition, while Liberal gains in 2011 led the party to a majority government, and Bloc Québécois gains in 2019 helped to reduce the Liberals to a minority. To what extent was this volatility driven by voters switching parties and to what degree was it driven by voters entering and exiting the electorate? This article uses ecological inference based on riding-level data to examine the dynamics of party competition in Quebec from 2008 to 2019. We show that while voter mobilization mattered to volatility, vote switching was the important driver of changing party fortunes during this period., RésuméLes élections fédérales entre 2008 et 2019 ont connu une grande volatilité au Québec, avec des conséquences importantes sur les résultats électoraux. La poussée du soutien du NPD au Québec a conduit le parti à l'opposition officielle, tandis que les gains des libéraux en 2011 ont conduit le parti à un gouvernement majoritaire et que les gains du Bloc Québécois en 2019 ont contribué à réduire les libéraux à une minorité. Dans quelle mesure cette volatilité est-elle due au fait que les électeurs changent de parti et dans quelle mesure est-elle due au fait que les électeurs entrent et sortent de l'électorat ? Cet article utilise l'inférence écologique basée sur des données au niveau des circonscriptions pour examiner la dynamique de la concurrence entre les partis au Québec de 2008 à 2019. Nous montrons que, bien que la mobilisation des électeurs ait joué un rôle dans la volatilité, le changement de parti a été le principal moteur de l'évolution de la situation des partis au cours de cette période.
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L’article 2926.1 CcQ rend imprescriptibles les actions civiles liées aux violences sexuelles, conjugales et infantiles, dans la mesure où elles constituent un préjudice corporel. Or, le critère du préjudice corporel qu’impose cet article soulève plusieurs enjeux lorsqu’il s’agit de déterminer quelles victimes de violences sexuelles, conjugales et infantiles peuvent bénéficier de l’imprescriptibilité de leur action en réparation. Ces enjeux découlent d’une incertitude entourant le concept de préjudice corporel, dont la définition exige qu’un certain seuil soit dépassé pour qu’un acte sur le corps soit considéré comme une atteinte à l’intégrité physique.
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This article proposes a new conceptual framework for parent-child and adult relationships in the Civil Code of Québec based on the theory of relationships of economic and emotional interdependency. It puts forward a new théorie générale for relationships in Quebec civil law. It argues that the Code should concentrate on relationships of economic and emotional interdependency, irrespective of their form or of their fulfillment of formalities. Their content and qualities should be the law’s object, hence allowing for a functional account of families and personal lives. Doing so would require a recodification of economic and emotional relationships in the Code, to provide a more meaningful legal framework addressing families and personal lives. Fundamentally, the hope is to shift the normative content of family law in Quebec private law from “the family” to relationships, and to take a stance against family law exceptionalism.
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Disclaimer: This summary was generated by AI based on the content of the source document.
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Disclaimer: This summary was generated by AI based on the content of the source document.
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Contract terms can be express or implied. But what does that mean? I argue that the distinction can be illuminated by reference to the philosophy of language. Express terms are best understood by reference to the truth-conditional content of the parties’ agreement; implied terms are derived from express terms by a process of reasoning, albeit one aimed at establishing the parties’ commitments.
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This article is about structural analysis in Canadian constitutional law. Structural analysis is a methodology for identifying unwritten components of the constitution and giving them effect. These unwritten components—Parliamentary privilege, Crown prerogative, constitutional conventions and underlying constitutional principles—pertain to the basic institutions of the state and the norms that govern their operations and relations. We explain how structural analysis operates and show that it is essential to discerning and applying the unwritten constitution.