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Dans l’arrêt R c Jarvis, la Cour suprême du Canada (CSC) a interprété pour la première fois la disposition du Code criminel sur le voyeurisme. Le présent article examine la jurisprudence pertinente en matière de voyeurisme qui a précédé l’arrêt Jarvis, y compris trois questions litigieuses qui ont façonné les interprétations judiciaires antérieures : la pertinence de la jurisprudence relative à l’article 8 de la Charte, la perspective de la vie privée en public et l’applicabilité de l’analyse du risque. Bien que les motifs de la CSC ne reconnaissent pas explicitement les questions d’égalité en jeu, son traitement de ces trois questions reflète sans doute trois volets de la théorie et de la jurisprudence féministes qui favorisent l’égalité. Cet article explore ce chevauchement, suggérant que les motifs de la CSC dans l’arrêt Jarvis peuvent être compris comme étant implicitement féministes. Reconnaissant que des motifs explicitement féministes auraient un plus grand potentiel de reconnaissance de l’égalité, l’auteure affirme que les motifs de la CSC représentent une étape positive vers une conception du droit à la vie privée en ce sens.

Five dimensions of gender-based violence are explored: unwanted sexual behaviour while in public, unwanted sexual behaviour online, unwanted sexual behaviour in the workplace, sexual assault, and physical assault. * According to the 2018 Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPPS), an estimated 1 million people in Canada are sexual minorities-that is, they reported their sexual orientation as gay, lesbian, bisexual or a sexual orientation that is not heterosexual-representing 4% of the population of Canada 15 years of age and older. * In addition, approximately 75,000 people, or 0.24% of the population of Canada aged 15 and older indicated on the SSPPS that their assigned sex at birth was different from their current gender, or that they were neither male nor female-in other words, that they are transgender. Research suggests that sexual minority (those who stated their sexual orientation as lesbian, gay, bisexual, pansexual, asexual, or otherwise not heterosexual) people experience violence at a greater prevalence than heterosexual people (Simpson 2018; Walters et al. 2013). While this analysis will focus on the impacts of sexual orientation and gender on experiences of victimization and unwanted sexual behaviours, it is important to recognize that there are many aspects of a person that can intersect-such as their sexual orientation, gender, race, or whether they have a disability-and impact their likelihood of experiencing victimization (Crenshaw 1994). Experiences of sexual minority Canadians According to the 2018 Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPPS), an estimated 1 million Canadians are sexual minorities-that is, they reported their sexual orientation as gay, lesbian, bisexual or a sexual orientation that is not heterosexual-representing 4% of the population of Canada 15 years of age and older.

Human rights instruments are but one of many legal advocacy tools used by trans people. Recent legal scholarship emphasizes that human rights laws are not sufficient to address legal challenges facing trans people, particularly intersectional and systemic barriers. This article looks to Canadian trans case law outside of human rights law to reveal the many instances in which trans people’s fight for legal recognition and redress occur outside of the human rights arena. It focuses on trans case law in three areas: family law, the use of name and gender in court, and access to social benefits. Canadian trans jurisprudence illustrates that not only are trans legal strategies outside of human rights plentiful and effective, they are also imperative. An agile and pragmatic approach to trans rights is necessary, particularly when minority rights are under threat, and for trans people on the margins of trans law reforms., RésuméLes instruments de protection des droits de la personne ne sont que l’un des nombreux outils juridiques utilisés par les personnes trans. Une récente étude juridique souligne d’ailleurs que les lois sur les droits de la personne ne sont pas suffisantes pour relever les défis juridiques auxquels sont confrontées les personnes trans, en particulier les barrières intersectionnelles et systémiques. Cet article se penche sur la jurisprudence canadienne portant sur des litiges trans qui ne touchent pas les lois relatives aux droits de la personne. Cette analyse permet de révéler les nombreux cas dans lesquels la lutte des personnes trans pour la reconnaissance juridique et la réparation survient en dehors de l’arène des droits de la personne. L’article se concentre sur la jurisprudence trans dans trois domaines : le droit de la famille, l’utilisation du nom et du genre devant les tribunaux et l’accès aux prestations sociales. La jurisprudence canadienne relative aux personnes trans illustre que non seulement les stratégies juridiques trans qui se trouve à l’extérieur des droits de l’homme sont nombreuses et efficaces, mais qu’elles sont également impératives. Une approche agile et pragmatique des droits des trans est donc nécessaire, en particulier lorsque les droits des minorités sont menacés, ainsi que pour les personnes trans qui se trouvent en marge des réformes des droits trans.

Disclaimer: This summary was generated by AI based on the content of the source document.

Disclaimer: This summary was generated by AI based on the content of the source document.

Disclaimer: This summary was generated by AI based on the content of the source document.

Loyalty has many meanings, within and without the law. There is a difficult question about whether loyalty is a virtue, inasmuch as one can be loyal to many causes, not all of them virtuous. For many jurists, the notion of loyalty evokes the common law’s fiduciary relationship and the norms that are particular to that … Continued

An article from McGill Law Journal / Revue de droit de McGill, on Érudit.

This article presents a study of the main characteristics (actors, values, principles, and rules) of the Quebec and Innu legal traditions with respect to their relationship to territory. This primarily descriptive study is followed by an analysis of the interactions that govern the two legal traditions. The article highlights the process of invalidation of the rules of Indigenous law effectuated by Quebec’s law of public and private property, and land resources more generally.

Disclaimer: This summary was generated by AI based on the content of the source document.

People have procedural rights because states are under a duty of political morality to provide them with fair procedures for settling disputes about the application of the laws. This obligation flows from the state's duty to treat each person as a free and equal member of the legal order. Yet adherence to procedural rights can impede accuracy in fact-finding, which in turn can result in poor protection for substantive rights. So the state also has a duty to provide a reasonable degree of accuracy in fact-finding. The legal order should therefore strive to improve the accuracy of fact-finding, within the constraints imposed by procedural rights people have. Nevertheless, the duty to provide reasonably accurate procedures is subordinate to the duty to provide procedural rights because the settlement of disputes among free persons must be conducted in a manner that respects their status as free persons.

This article describes constitutional conventions, and the underlying principles of the Constitution assessed through structural analysis, as two interrelated components of Canada’s unwritten constitution. Whereas conventions and structural analysis differ in their relationship with the text of constitutional instruments, and in regard with their normative power, they perform similar functions in our constitutional order as they both seek to give effect to broad and enduring principles undergirding the organization of the state.

2020 41 Windsor Review of Legal and Social Issues, 2020 CanLIIDocs 1608

Variability in the blood–breath ratio (BBR) of alcohol is important, because it relates a measurement of the blood-alcohol concentration (BAC) with the co-existing breath-alcohol concentration (BrAC). The BBR is also used to establish the statutory BrAC limit for driving from the existing statutory BAC limits in different countries. The in-vivo BBR depends on a host of analytical, sampling and physiological factors, including subject demographics, time after end of drinking (rising or falling BAC), the nature of the blood draw (whether venous or arterial) and the subject’s breathing pattern prior to exhalation into the breath analyzer. The results from a controlled drinking study involving healthy volunteers (85 men and 15 women) from three ethnic groups (Caucasians, Hispanics and African Americans) were used to evaluate various factors influencing the BBR. Ethanol in breath was determined with a quantitative infrared analyzer (Intoxilyzer 8000) and BAC was determined by headspace gas chromatography (HS-GC). The BAC and BrAC were highly correlated (r = 0.948) and the BBR in the post-absorptive state was 2 382 ± 119 (mean ± SD). The BBR did not depend on gender (female: 2 396 ± 101 and male: 2 380 ± 123, P > 0.05) nor on racial group (Caucasians 2 398 ± 124, African Americans 2 344 ± 119 and Hispanics 2 364 ± 104, P > 0.05). The BBR was lower in subjects with higher breath- and body-temperatures (P < 0.05) and it also decreased with longer exhalation times into the breath-analyzer (P < 0.001). In the post-absorptive state, none of the 100 subjects had a BBR of less than 2 100:1.